Before he died on December 8, he had written the songs for 28 individual albums, the scores for eight movies, and a number of single releases that appeared on other albums. After he died of a heart attack at Mt. Sinai Hospital in New York, his body was flown back to Rio where it was draped in a Brazilian flag and carried through the streets of Rio. Vinicius de Moraes was officially married nine times. Born October 19, and died July 9, , Vinicius de Moraes was a man of many interests.
He was a poet, a writer, a lyricist, a musician, a film critic, a career diplomat, and a lawyer who studied English at Oxford University in Cambridge. As a diplomat he served in France, Uruguay, and the United States. He too is buried in the Sao Joao Batista Cemetery. One of the products she offers is a T-shirt imprinted with the music and lyrics from the song. Since this is a copy of the original sheet music, it also contains the signatures of Vinicius de Moraes and A.
The estates of de Moraes and Jobim filed suit arguing that the words and music belong to the estates and that all monies made from the sale of those T-shirts belong to the families of de Moraes and Jobim. Fortunately for us romantics, the Brazilian courts acted properly. You are crazy. There are so many beautiful women here. The song says tall.
I am tall. And tanned — I had brown skin from the sun. And young — I was at this time. It was true. And Jobim? He proposed to her. But the two of them drank too much. They were always at the bar drinking whisky, caipirinha, beer. Jobim, she says, never got over her. He said that in front of her. He was crazy. Since then, the story of The Girl from Ipanema has morphed into something more akin to a Brazilian soap opera or courtroom drama.
This situation is so bad. But it has helped to make her famous. She still loves the song. Whenever I listen, I remember my past, my younger days. Ipanema in was a great place. You never saw aggression. Everyone wanted to fall in love. It was the spirit of bossa nova — tranquil and romantic. The song follows her everywhere, but she does not mind being trailed by the ghost of her past. Two weeks ago, while travelling with her family in Europe, she heard it being played in a London pub where she was having lunch.
Did she tell anyone she was the muse? Comment ne pas se poser la question que comme souvent personne ne semble se poser …. Du jamais vu. Et bien fait. Au contraire. Extraits :. Leurs souffrances sont permanentes. La paix se construit sur la confiance. Les anciens dirigeants du Shin Beth seront-ils entendu?
La paix repose sur des relations de confiance. Il ajoute, avec le sourire :. On refuse du monde. Un documentaire peut-il changer la face du monde? Certes non. Mais il peut susciter une prise de conscience salutaire. Ce sont les six ex-chefs du Shin Beth encore en vie. Des durs. Certains aussi avec cynisme. Errol Morris tries to pin down Vietnam War chess-master Robert McNamara, and the results are fascinating — also troubling, deeply confusing and way too artistically precious.
Among the insults directed at Robert S. McNamara during his years as secretary of defense for Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson was that he was less a man than an IBM machine with legs. Having come to the Department of Defense straight from the presidency of Ford Motor Company, McNamara was seen as treating war like a corporate enterprise, coldly detached from the human cost of his decisions.
Barring the convictions people already hold about the former secretary of defense, it would be very hard to come away from the movie feeling it either fully condemns or fully exculpates McNamara. The man himself is both distant and frequently emotional his voice breaks with tears several times in the course of the film , willing to examine his actions — not just in Vietnam but during World War II and the Cuban missile crisis — and stubbornly unwilling to issue a mea culpa that itself seems both arrogant and humble.
But, as in his other films, Morris feels much more concerned with aesthetics than with moral or historical questions. There is a small monitor above the camera lens on which the interviewee sees Morris asking the questions. The filmed result is the subject speaking directly to the camera, and in effect to the audience. Morris has said that he believes this results in true first-person cinema. The interviewee is still presented as Morris wants him to be seen and through the footage Morris surrounds the interview clips with.
The director remains free to take any attitude he wishes toward his subjects. The trouble comes when the aesthetics come first. Curtis LeMay; various bombings in Vietnam. The montages increase in speed as they go on. Perhaps this is not what Morris intends, but the questions Morris is debating in these sections about the morality and effectiveness of the bombings makes you want more information, not less — and this reduction of everything to a blur of documents comes across as a too easy point.
Morris has included some extraordinary recordings made in the Kennedy White House during the debates over the Cuban missile crisis. Hard on the heels of each other, the White House received two contradictory telexes from Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev. Tommy Thompson, a specialist on the USSR who was advising the president, states his disagreement and argues that the U.
He is at his most straightforward, his most unflinchingly honest, in this section, and any decent person will be repelled by what he has to say. This section is complicated by the presence of Gen. Curtis LeMay. The images we see of him here — stout, with a stogie stuck in his unforgiving face — are exactly what an antiwar caricaturist might come up with. LeMay conducted and McNamara helped to plan the March bombing of Tokyo that killed , civilians and burned 50 square miles of the city, whose buildings were largely made of wood. And he quotes LeMay as telling him that if the Allies had lost, both he and McNamara would have been prosecuted as war criminals.
Put in its crudest terms, it is the belief that the object of war is to kill more of the enemy than they kill of you. There is, as Fussell recognized, a moral cushiness to the sensibility that deplores the Tokyo bombing and also, of course, the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombs that helped bring the war to a speedy conclusion, and would have accepted much higher casualties on both the American and Japanese sides in the planned land invasion of Japan.
Morris adopts something close to the standard distaste for LBJ, presenting him as a gung-ho warrior, and McNamara and others in his Cabinet as working to serve his wishes. His private pessimism about winning the war contrasts sharply with the public optimism we see in newsreel clips from the time. McNamara also feels it would have been disloyal to criticize the war after he had left the Pentagon, and you understand why he would not want to betray the people he worked with.
You could see, as many have, the grudging mea culpas he has offered as too little, too late. Similarly, his refusal to give his personal feelings about the war suggests, as his critics have said, a man divorced from the human consequences of his actions but also a recognition that he must be judged on his actions rather than his private feelings.
This is the frustration of Robert McNamara, his simultaneous ability to seem obsequious and weirdly honorable, honest and evasive. But explicating an enigma is not the same thing as blurring it with artistic ambitions. The thickest fog in this documentary has been conjured not by McNamara, but by Errol Morris. The fog around Robert McNamara. Though McNamara has not fully come to terms with his past as the numbers-driven architect of the Vietnam War, his impassioned grappling with that war and the rest of his defense record make for a uniquely fascinating history lesson.
But the film, with its insights into how even the most rational officials can blunder and deceive themselves and the public into epic tragedies, has struck a chord that Morris could not have predicted. You are responsible, in a way, for rehabilitating Robert McNamara. And yet he still remains a troubling figure for many people, who criticize him for not speaking out during the Vietnam War about his growing doubts about the war — even after he left office in You must have a pretty good sense of the man by now. What prevented him from speaking out?
If it was a mystery when I started making this movie, it remains a mystery having finished the movie. You talk to different people, they have different complaints about McNamara, different reasons why they hate him. Basically, he lied to the American people, and possibly to himself. And he still did not speak out. Fifty-eight thousand American dead, millions of Vietnamese, and there he was, safely ensconced as president of the World Bank. For him, that is inexcusable. You know, it depends on which day you ask me. Someone asked me this earlier today — that I should talk more about my father.
My father died when I was 2 years old. I have no memories of my father. McNamara is perhaps the ultimate father figure. He was the father figure in some way for a generation. But for me, having this relationship with him — and it is a relationship, it would be incorrect to claim otherwise — produces such a range of emotion for me. That has been a constant. As I point out often, McNamara got the hat trick. Was that your intention? I think about why I was attracted to doing this movie with McNamara in the first place. One of the reasons most certainly is that his stories, whether he knows it clearly or not, his stories are about error, confusion, mistakes, self-deception, wishful thinking, false ideology.
You see in the film the story behind the imagined attack by the North Vietnamese on two U. Never happened. We imagined it. Sound familiar? And he should do it sooner rather than later. That delay is unconscionable, and that anything other than a military response is unconscionable. And of course, he knew what a slap in the face that was to Kennedy, whose father, Joe, was considered a Nazi appeaser before World War II. Kennedy does not respond. Kennedy says very little to the generals. One of the things that really fascinates me about that moment, where LeMay says this is worse than Munich, is that it goes right back to a question you asked me at the beginning of our conversation about historical analogies.
Iraq, Vietnam, Munich, the Cuban missile crisis, the danger of this sort of thing. First of all, the Kennedy administration had been given faulty information by the CIA.
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They had been told there were no Soviet warheads on Cuba. OK, so what should the president conclude? Perhaps the Joint Chiefs are absolutely right. Act sooner rather than later. Take out the missiles, take out the missile launchers and the missile sites before the warheads arrive.
Although in fact several of those Joint Chiefs wanted to go a little further than Cuba, they wanted to go take out the Soviet Union and China as well. They had big appetites. But we now know that if LeMay and the other Joint Chiefs had had their way, and there was bombing and an invasion, the local Soviet commanders who had autonomy would have used those missiles with warheads against the United States. Can I say this with certainty? But was there a good likelihood if we invaded and bombed that they would reply?
People often make these analogies. What is Munich? And because of your weakness, because of your policies, everyone will have to suffer. It will lead to an even worse catastrophe than you can imagine. In this instance — wrong! The diplomatic solution proved to be the correct one. You know, I worry for many reasons about being seen as a McNamara apologist.
I see him quite differently. I no longer see him as the chief architect of the war in Vietnam. I believe it was the other way around. And I believe that McNamara, throughout the Cuban missile crisis, was a restraining force on the military. And helped keep us out of war. Why is the question. If he was so opposed in Oct. How the hell does this come to be?
I have my answers. Are they conclusive answers? As one Harvard historian, Peter Hall, very kindly said about my movie, it is one of the very few works of history — and he did consider it a work of history — that shows clearly the complexity of the decisions that people had to make. The one military leader in a civilian post in the Bush administration [Colin Powell] has been marginalized because of his reluctance to go to war. But perhaps not as frightening as the Cuban missile crisis, when the entire world was on the brink.
But in the middle of that crisis, Bobby Kennedy told the Soviet ambassador, Anatoly Dobrynin, that Moscow had to understand that if there is not some kind of resolution quickly to this, there is a risk of a coup in the U. The military will topple JFK. He would have said that people should understand that he had reasons for what he did. That there were people who wished for a war with the Soviet Union and Red China, and he was determined to prevent it.
If you hate him, if you dislike him, it is seen as one more pathetic excuse among many. He knew all too well what he was dealing with. An Interview with Dror Moreh. Sharon plays Tuesday, Nov. Anyone who ever encountered Ariel Sharon is left with an image that betrays conventional wisdom. But even in the Israeli media he was often portrayed as an opportunistic politician, whose ill-considered jaunt on the contested Temple Mount with an escort of over 1, Israeli police launched the Second Intifada. Which is why it is all the more startling that anyone who ever met Sharon has a very different image of him.
I met him at least twice, and I most recall his smile and his stomach, so very different from the iconographic photos of a bandaged Israeli commander, standing with his troops at the Suez Canal. Sharon was all of these, but he was also none of these, because each of these images portrays a single aspect of a complex man, larger than life, whose story, for better or for worse, has so many of the features of a classic Greek tragedy.
Moreh, who also coproduced the film, had unusual access to Sharon and the people who surrounded him in the final, most critical stage of his career. While doing this, he followed Sharon and his entourage through all the major campaign events, but he also filmed Sharon in his most intimate, on his beloved farm in southern Israel. In fact, Moreh identified—and continues to identify—with the left wing of the Israeli political spectrum, the very people who were terrified of a possible Sharon victory. For years he was a hero of the settler movement in the West Bank and Gaza, but rejected by much of the Israeli mainstream.
What they forget is that Sharon also dismantled four Israeli settlements in the northern West Bank, and that if the Palestinians responded positively to this, he was ready to take it a step further and perhaps even to dismantle more settlements. He believed that he was the only person who could determine the permanent boundaries of the State of Israel—without the Occupied Territories. He was willing to take responsibility for this, and for every other decision he made as prime minister.
Once he assumed that ultimate position of power, he refused to play all the little games that characterize most politicians. I asked Moreh why Sharon is still vilified today. He may not have been forgiven for all that he did in the past, but they were ready to work with him. They knew that he, more than anyone, had the courage that it takes to move things forward.
That is why, when he spoke at the UN, all the European leaders rushed to shake his hand. Then Sharon was elected. Two weeks later he told President Bush that he would be willing to take the bold steps necessary to create a new reality in the Middle East. He was prepared to take down settlements as far back as then. They want to be able to catalogue people and ideas instantly into black and white, right and wrong, good and evil. How much more time do you need? The Israeli army has made many mistakes, under all its generals, including Sharon. The challenge is to rise above those mistakes, to correct them, and to put a stop to them.
That is what Sharon began to do by recognizing the rights of the Palestinian people. Many people in Israel claim that only the right wing parties can make peace. I asked Moreh if he felt that was true of Sharon as well. What set Sharon apart was that he was a genuine leader with real moral authority to make decisions that were needed. Left or right, there are no real leaders left. He was the last of the giants.
He took a long time before deciding anything, consulted with people, and considered what other people had done throughout history. But once he finally made up his mind, even if that meant he had changed his mind from one extreme to the other, he proceeded without hesitation—even if he had to rein in his own instincts. Why did they listen to him? Sure he had his fatal flaws, like the hero of any Greek tragedy, and in some way perhaps these flaws did him in, but he was also marked by greatness.
What stands out about Sharon is that he was a man of contradictions. He was, first and foremost, a fighter, a warrior, but he also loved poetry. He was truly larger than life: he was often described as grandiose. But he also had a rich sense of humor and a genuine feeling of warmth for everyone he met. To illustrate that humor and warmth, Moreh told me a story about Sharon that never made it into the film. One day at a cabinet meeting, a woman came in to serve the ministers their tea, but one senior minister scolded her because the tea was lukewarm.
Sharon noticed, even if no one else did.
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Twenty minutes later, he started telling a story about a battle he was in during the War of Independence. He had just been wounded in the stomach during the fierce fighting at Latrun, so he and an adjutant tried to crawl to safety. They made their way in the hot afternoon across the bodies of their Jewish comrades and the Arab Legionnaires they were fighting, but it had taken them hours. They were thirsty, and when they finally came across a pool of water, they dived in and began to refresh themselves.
Only after they had started to drink, did they notice the body of a dead Legionnaire sprawled in the water beside them. Although he has disappeared from the headlines, Arik Sharon is not dead. In January , he suffered a stroke, probably brought on by his obesity and high cholesterol, and has been lingering in a coma ever since. All you can do is stop making the mistake, cut your losses and move on. Moreh did not think so. And unlike Moses, Arik had no Joshua to lead the people there after he was gone.
But is there really no one? Ironically, these are the very same people behind such controversial policies as targeted assassinations and the interrogation through torture of thousands of Palestinians. Yaakov Peri was one of these men. Why is that? Because we were there; we know both sides: the material, the people, the terrain.
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Could men like Peri—real generals, not armchair generals, who understand the brutality and futility of war—be the key to peace? I thought back on my first encounter with Sharon in the winding casbah of Hebron two and a half decades ago. Today Arik King of Israel is lying unconscious in a hospital bed. Gaza has since erupted in flames, and peace seems as remote as ever. Avec un singulier talent de narration, Margaret B. Dans le livre de Margaret B. Philippe di Folco le rappelle :. Margaret Seltzer has admitted to fabricating most of her memoir, Love and Consequences, which described her childhood as one plagued with drugs and violence.
Three literary figures discuss other writers who have deceived their readers, such as James Frey and former journalist Stephen Glass. Jones had in fact made up the whole story, including that name. Here is a short clip from her interview with us. We did it about a week or so ago. Oooh, look at that kid, that kid can fight. She went to private school in the San Fernando Valley. But the question remains, why did she do it?
How did she think she could get away with it? Chuck Lane is on the editorial board at the Washington Post. He also teaches a class on journalistic fraud at Princeton University. But he was formerly an editor at The New Republic, where he helped uncover stories fabricated by reporter Stephen Glass. Lane joins us on the phone from his home in Chevy Chase. And also with us is Laura Browder, the author of a book about the history of fake ethnic autobiographies. Thank you all so much for speaking with us.
That whole Stephen Glass episode must have been very traumatic for you and I just wanted to ask, you know, when you think about it now, what do you think about why something like this happens? LANE: I think there are some people who, for whatever kind of twisted internal reason, enjoy tricking other people, and there is a tremendous rush that they get. At least I think that was part of what was going on with Stephen Glass. Psychologists even have coined a name for it. They call it duping delight. And if you can get away with it for a long time and get rewarded for it, I think the delight just grows even stronger.
There are a number of people who are caught in historical traps. You know, their identities are such, like a Sylvester Long, who was an early Indian impersonator, who grew up in North Carolina, was defined as colored by the racial laws of his time and was working as a janitor. When he re-invented himself as Chief Buffalo Child Long Lance, he suddenly could become an international movie star, have his own line of running shoes.
It was a better life. But then there are other people like Margaret Seltzer who I think feel pain, feel traumatized, feel unhappy, and they want to attach that kind of inchoate pain to an identity that everyone recognizes as suffering. And Vera Lee, the story in which you are involved just happened very recently. And how did it come apart? How did it get unraveled? I never got that part of the story right. But apparently the jig was up. Misha knew that she had been discovered and she thought that she had better admit to it.
But did you ever feel that way when you were working with her?
Did you ever suspect something was wrong? LEE: I did see discrepancies, definitely. And I wondered a lot about it and I did research into it, talked to many people about it. But the more I spoke with Misha, and the more research I did, the more I thought it was quite possible, not in the small details, because after all she was trying to reconstruct memoirs from her childhood — and that had been 50 years ago — but in general I would say it made sense to me.
MARTIN: Speaking of sort of the little variations around the details, I have a short clip from my interview with Margaret, I guess I want to call her Margaret Seltzer, who presented herself as Margaret Jones, where she sort of — she admits to me that she, that some of the characters were composites.
But here is her explanation for that. There was more like, instead of three of us there was five of us. So Chuck Lane, talk to me about this. When you were trying to figure out what was going on with Stephen Glass, is this the same kind of explanation he gave? So I do think people give people a little bit more latitude there. But is that a common thing? One of the themes that my students and I were discussing this term is this whole issue of the composite. Once you start talking about how I combined the elements of several different people or whatever, it just makes the job of the fact checker that much more difficult.
And this is demonstrated by the vast popularity now of memoirs and memoir writing and by our idea that people who are not white and not middle class are living more authentic lives and having more authentic lives and having more authentic experiences than white middle class people, and I think because of this, the people like Margaret Seltzer feel that their stories will have more power and more grit if they present them as authentic memoirs.
MARTIN: What do you buy of her story that she thought she was doing something positive to get this story out in a way that she feels it would not have been received otherwise, that she felt she was kind of, what is it, showing the flag, you know, for the hood as it were and doing something positive? When I read that, I immediately thought of all those white abolitionists who wrote fake slave narratives in the s and s because they felt that they were more qualified to tell the authentic stories of slaves than the slaves were themselves.
She was a speechwriter in the Johnson White House who decided that she needed to become black, had melanin treatments, moved to Harlem, and wrote about how she soon became more authentically black than the actual black people that she met because she felt that they were not suffering enough, they were not embracing what she saw as their primitive spirits. So this idea of white middle class people feeling that they are more qualified to tell the story of someone who is black and poor than actual poor black people has a long, long history in American literature.
Does she feel sorry about this, to your knowledge? I mean…. Do you think that he thought he was doing something worthwhile or he just wanted to be famous and thought he could get away with it? LANE: I think Stephen Glass is different from some of the memoirists that your other guests are very astutely discussing here.
I think Stephen Glass was actually a much, much — sort of like a super-prankster, a kind of journalistic vandal, if you like, who just delighted secretly in knocking over all the furniture of our profession. And he was lavishly rewarded for it. I just want to say, if I might, I think there is a real harm, though, done, perhaps not so much by the content of a Stephen Glass story, but when you have people faking documents about the Holocaust, unfortunately there are Holocaust deniers in this world, and that sort of fabrication can really feed very pernicious views about the underlying truth of what are actual historical events.
So there was a little article in the New York Times, fine. So I think the Margaret Seltzer story is unusual in that publisher acted so quickly to recall the copies. What has this been like for you? LEE: Reading about this? I find it really fascinating, and you know, I agree with Chuck. I mean, in a very concrete way I think of Asa Carter, who was literally financing his career as a white supremacist by writing these fake memoirs.
All right, thank you so much. We heard from Laura Browder. A dealer the young Ms. Jones made deliveries for lays out the unforgiving rules of the street:. Even your own momma will sell you out for the right price or if she gets scared enough. Never expect mercy and never show it. What sets Ms. Although some of the scenes she has recreated from her youth which are told in colorful, streetwise argot can feel self-consciously novelistic at times, Ms.
Jones has done an amazing job of conjuring up her old neighborhood. She captures both the brutal realities of a place where children learn to sleep on the floor to avoid the random bullets that might come smashing through the windows and walls at night, and the succor offered by family and friends. She conveys the extraordinary stoicism of women like Big Mom, her foster mother, who raised four grandchildren while working a day job and a night job.
And she draws indelible portraits of these four kids who became her siblings: two young girls she would help raise, and two older boys, whom she emulated and followed into the Bloods. I would watch my life from the outside rather than feel it from within. She tells us about survival tips for visiting the local park. She saw her next-door neighbor Big Rodney, who used to give her books to read, grabbed by the police in a violent raid.
Wait, let me reword that, as it is not entirely true as it stands. I made it out of L. Jones, who said that she had been a foster child and gang member in South Central Los Angeles and survived to write a book about that life. An article about how her publisher, and the newspaper, failed to discover the truth earlier appears today in The Arts. The Transformation of a Klansman.
The carefully constructed mask of Forrest Carter — Cherokee cowboy, self-taught writer and spokesman for Native Americans — was simply the last fantasy of a man who reinvented himself again and again in the 30 years that preceded his death in His real name was Asa Ace Earl Carter. We share a common Southern heritage and he may be a distant relation of mine. Between and , the Alabama native carved out a violent career in Southern politics as a Ku Klux Klan terrorist, right-wing radio announcer, home-grown American fascist and anti-Semite, rabble-rousing demagogue and secret author of the famous speech by Gov.
Segregation tomorrow. Segregation forever. He even organized a paramilitary unit of about men that he called the Original Ku Klux Klan of the Confederacy. Among its acts, these white-sheeted sociopaths assaulted Nat King Cole during a concert in Birmingham in In , the group, without Mr.
His agent and publishers have described Mr. Carter as a self-taught writer. Indeed he was. For almost 30 years he honed his skills by spewing out racist and anti-Semitic pamphlets.
In he wrote that all N. Those who knew the gun-toting Ace Carter never found him very amusing, certainly not the two fellow Klansmen who were critically wounded by Mr. Carter in a shootout over Klan finances. Though Mr. Carter was indicted for assault with intent to murder, the Jefferson County district attorney, influenced by the highly charged racial climate in Alabama, ultimately decided to drop the charges. Carter, after all, took his new name from Nathan Bedford Forrest, the tobacco-chewing ex-mule skinner, slave trader and Civil War general who founded the original Ku Klux Klan in Tennessee in And so they loved the thought, and loving it grew to be it, so that they could not think as the white man.
One explanation is suggested by the Calhoun County High School yearbook for Handsome, energetic, ambitious, always the actor, his classmates had known that Asa Carter would do whatever he had to to escape the sleepy little Alabama town of Oxford. Guv-mints lie. Even the gentle Little Tree, Mr. From Tom Mix to Gary Cooper, the task of the traditional western hero was to replace the savage world of the desperado with the civilized community governed by the rule of law.
Carter changed course. We trust no one outside the circle of blood kin and closest comrades. We have no responsibilities outside that closed circle. Government and all its agencies are corrupt. Politics is a lie. Dan T. Carter, professor of history at Emory University, is working on a biography of George Wallace. The Real Education of Little Tree. How the author of a current best-seller conned the world into believing he was a gentle Texas novelist instead of a vicious Alabama Klansman. Everyone knew Forrest Carter had been drinking. It was October , and the novelist from Abilene was a guest speaker at the Wellesley College Club book-and-author luncheon in Dallas.
Wearing his trademark cowboy hat, the author of the Rebel Outlaws: Josey Wales and other Western adventures delivered a slurred speech about the need for people to love one another. In the grand ballroom of the Sheraton, the audience shifted uneasily at this gushing of bonhomie. In an expansive moment, Carter pointed across the podium at his fellow speaker, historian Barbara Tuchman. Then he swung his arm toward Stanley Marcus, who was in the audience. The listeners were left to wonder how someone who had written so poignantly about humanitarian values could suddenly start talking like an anit-Semite.
As it turned out, he was not a cowboy author after all. He had sounded like an anti-Semite because he had been one all his life. He had also been a racist, an open advocate of white supremacy. As Asa Carter, he had been a writer, not of novels but of incendiary speeches for George Wallace, the David Duke of twenty years ago. Segregation tomorrow! Segregation forever! Yet it was forgotten — or ignored — for years. Not until The Education of Little Tree became a best-seller did the truth resurface that Carter and the book were phonies.
But when it was reissued in , its gentle message of environmentalism and multiculturalism was perfectly attuned to the times. I trotted behind Granpa and i could feel the upward slant of the trail. I could feel something more, as Granma said i would. Mon-o-lah, the earth mother, came to me through my moccasins, i could feel her push and swell here, and sway and give there … And the roots that veined her body and the life of the water-blood, deep inside her. She was warm and springy and bounced me on her breast, as Granma said she would.
Last summer, Little Tree mania broke out across the country. Hollywood studios competed for movie rights. School-children formed Little Tree fan clubs. With the book revealed as a fabrication, the questions remained: Who was Forrest Carter? Did he undergo a spiritual conversion? An emotional breakdown? His New Age fans desperately wanted to believe he had changed, for if he had not, they had been duped.
Worse, they would have to acknowledge that the book they had seen as a validation of their leftist beliefs actually sprang from the far right, from a value system they abhorred. In Alabama, he saw himself as a crusader, the last defender of the noble south. He clung to the idea of a white uprising against the civil rights movement, but by he had to concede that his cause was lost.
But where others moved to find a new future, Asa Carter moved to find a past. To become Forrest Carter, all he had to do was dress up in cowboy clothes and alter his Southern self-reliant ideology to a Western frontier guise. So convincing was his performance that he seemed to believe it himself. John had hit upon the truth: Forrest Carter had become his own best character.
His roots were deep in the Confederacy. Carter was already ideologically uncompromising when he graduated from high school in Why should the United States be fighting a Jewish war? Carter returned from the service in , having been a boxing champ in the Third Fleet in the South Pacific. That year he married his quiet high school girlfriend, Thelma India Walker.
They moved to Colorado, where he studied journalism and worked at a radio station. In , at 28, he moved back to Alabama with Thelma and their son and quickly became enmeshed in the racial upheaval that was spreading across the South. Many of his associates from the fifties and sixties are eager to talk about their notorious colleague. Their stories are chilling. On the issue of race, Carter was ruthless. To him, white supremacy was the foundation for law, order, and civilization.
Blaming them had a kind of dark logic; how else could you explain why previously docile Negroes would suddenly revolt? His conception of the South was caught up in a mythic notion of noble people and an aggrieved land. He saw himself as an Ivanhoe, the valiant knight who fights romantic battles against great odds for a pure motive.
The struggle against integration was, to him, Reconstruction all over again. Blacks, he said, were undeserving compared with the patient and brave Indians, who had suffered terrible wrongs inflicted by the Yankees. Time and again he was frustrated when he tried to run for public office: for the Birmingham city commission, for lieutenant governor, and later for governor of Alabama. Carter was hired to stir up support for its cause through broadcasts on radio station WILD.
But Carter was fired after six months because he used his broadcast to blast National Brotherhood Week, sponsored by the National Conference of Christians and Jews. Later that year, Carter formed a white citizens council. Throughout the South, the citizens council movement was gaining support as a respectable segregationist alternative to the Ku Klux Klan. In the mid-fifties, Asa Carter always seemed to be on the periphery of violence.
Although he denied that he was a member of the Klan, his signature appears on the articles of incorporation of a shadowy paramilitary gang called the Original Ku Klux Klan of the Confederacy, whose members met secretly and wore Rebel-gray robes. One of them later identified Asa as the robed and hooded man who had shot him, but the state never prosecuted the case. On Labor Day, , six alleged members of his Klan abducted a black handyman, sliced off his scrotum, and tortured him by pouring turpentine on his wounds.
Buddy Barnett says Asa was scornful of the way his cohorts had treated the black man. In his speeches, Asa openly advocated violence. Eventually he was drummed out of the citizens council movement. In the spring of , he made a pitiful stab at the Democratic primary for state lieutenant governor and finished fifth in a five-man field. Backed by the Klan, Patterson campaigned for a white Alabama and trounced Wallace, who was considered a moderate. After the election, Asa Carter was invited to join the Wallace team as a speech writer.
Wallace was a skilled extemporaneous speaker: very forceful but only in spurts. We would treat him almost like an animal — like you would give a race-horse a shot. And I say: Segregation now! These speeches helped propel Wallace to national prominence. A large man with a barrel chest, jet-black hair, and thick eyebrows, he exuded an air of danger. He kept an old Webley six-shooter with him at all times. In his personal life, he was circumspect.
On weekends, he would drive miles up to Oxford to see his wife and four children. To his Montgomery friends, who talked politics with him at the Sahara restaurant, he had one weakness: After a few drinks, he turned belligerent. If he could make it to the presidency, he could prevent the country from falling prey to the evils of integration and communism. But Carter was among those who discouraged him; he thought Wallace would have to make too many compromising stands. When Lurleen died of ovarian cancer after only eighteen months in office, Carter was once again out of a job.
In , when Wallace ran for president on a third-party ticket, Carter made several trips through the Midwest with Bobby Shelton, the Grand Wizard from Tuscaloosa, drumming up support for the campaign. His platform was predictable: anti-integration, anti-pornography, anti-Red movie writers in Hollywood. One Montgomery lobbyist recalls watching Carter campaign at the Talladegah County courthouse, protected by a phalanx of bodyguards.
On the lawn before him was a large crowd, including a group of blacks trying to disrupt his speech by heckling. This is typical slave mentality. This is all they know how to do. One of five candidates in the primary, Carter came in last, with only 15, votes. Then he made what must have been a humiliating pact: In exchange for the payment of his campaign debts, he agreed to write speeches for Wallace in the runoff against liberal Albert Brewer. But in his heart, Carter felt Wallace was a traitor. After that, Carter tried to found a string of all-white private schools, then feuded with Alabama attorney general Bill Baxley over taxes.
Carter also blasted Wallace for letting blacks join the state highway patrol. In early , Carter set up a statewide paramilitary organization whose members wore gray armbands with Confederate flags. Like his earlier political ventures, this one ended in failure. Then he seemed to drop from sight. John, explaining how he had come to be an author. In the middle of the day, Carter was in pajamas and a smoking jacket, writing in longhand on lined yellow paper.
He was working on an adventure novel about a die-hard Confederate soldier. But the book is also about Asa Carter — or about the author as he saw himself persecuted by the federal government. By the time it was privately printed in , Carter has selected a new name — Forrest Carter — borrowed from Nathan Bedford Forrest, the Confederate hero and founder of the Ku Klux Klan. Changing his name was no big deal; he had gone by Bud as a boy and Earl in Colorado. This time the reason for his deception was simple: His discredited career as Asa Carter would prevent him from becoming a writer; adopting a pseudonym was a way to start afresh.
Their two eldest sons settled in Abilene, where their father set them up with a filling station. Carter visited Abilene often, sometimes staying for months in the house he had bought his sons — whom he now called his nephews. He cultivated a new circle of friends, for whom he had to concoct an entirely new past. He told them he was part Cherokee, a former cowboy, bronc rider, dishwasher, and ranch hand, a man with no formal education but with a knack for writing. He said he spent his time drifting around the country from his home in Florida, where his wife lived, to the Indian nation, where his kinfolk lived.
Everything about the way he presented himself was a fraud, from his ungrammatical speech to his cowpoke ways. He wore jeans, a bolo tie with a turquoise stone, and a black cowboy hat. His Abilene friends loved him for his fabulous stories and his highspiritedness. Sometimes he woud sing ballads. And sometimes, especially if he had been drinking, he would preform Indian war dances and chant in what he said was the Cherokee language.
Speaking to a literature class in Hardin-Simmons University, Carter talked about how he had rambled around the country looking for work. He eventually became close friends with the rancher, Don Josey. Today, Josey is the president of Rancho Oil in Dallas. He and Carter were friends all right, but the rest of the story was a lie. Josey says he met Carter at a rally for Lurleen Wallace. The heir to an oil fortune, Josey is also a Confederate history buff. Of all the people Forrest Carter deceived, it was perhaps his agent, Eleanor Friede, whom he betrayed the most.
Carter had no respect for the agents, the editors, the lawyers, and, above all, the Jews who ran the New York publishing world. Friede, who had become famous for discovering Jonathon Livingston Seagull , was a Manhattan liberal married to a Jewish publisher — just the kind of person Carson would be likely to hate. But he and Friede struck up a strange relationship. With her, Carter played his wide-eyed bumpkin role to the hilt. Friede, who now lives in rural Virginia, recalls that when she met Carter in , she was astonished to find a large man with a commanding presence.
From his letters and phone conversations, he had come across as an awestruck country boy. Taylor would mail Friede telegrams signed by Carter from various places throughout the South. Carter told Friede he could write only when he retreated to meditate, fast, and commune with nature. To her face, he was tender.
Not until the summer of did Alabama newspaper Wayne Greenshaw figure ot that Forrest was really Ace. He wrote an article saying so for the New York Times, but his revelations had practically no effect. A few months later, Delacorte came out with The Education of Little tree which it promoted as a true story.
That was also the year that Clint Eastwood turned Josey Wales into a hugely successful movie. Invited to appear on the Today show with Barbara Walters, Carter was petrified that she might learn about his background, so he took pains to disguise himself. He was forty pounds lighter than he had been in Alabama.
He was tanned and had grown a moustache. And he wore a cowboy hat pulled down over his face. His easygoing humor was a facade he had adopted to preserve the mask. An Abilene friend, Louise Green, remembers hearing Carter rage about blacks more than once. At a steakhouse in Abilene, Carter flew into a nasty tirade. Only a few friends knew of his double life, and to them, he revealed a profound cynicism about the people he was deceiving. By , the lies and the liquor had caught up with him. His friends in abilene worried that he might never dry out enough to write another book.
On June 8, , Carter was passing through Abilene on his way to Hollywood to discuss the feature film version of Watch for Me on the Mountain his fourth and final book, which was about the life of Geronimo. It is possible to read The Education of little Tree as a story about a child beset by evils of organized religion and intrusive government. But there is little that is truly autobiographical about the book.
There is no counterpart to Granma in the Carter family. No one in the family ever called Asa Little Tree. Asa Carter admired the Indian people, especially the Cherokees. But the Cherokee language used in the book is mostly made up. Only in an ideological sense is The Education of Little Tree true. It expounds an extreme kind of Jeffersonian political attitude that can be extended in any number of directions. To the left, it intersects with liberalism and multiculturalism; to the right, with libertarianism and anarchism.
Out of context, the book might sound like a New Age manifesto. Perhaps there is another sense in which the story of Little Tree is true. Maybe, for Asa Carter, it represented a wishful kind of truth, the upbringing he wished he really had. Voir de plus:. David Gilkey Sex Scene. Film porno hard sexe extreme avec une femme fontaine en string. Nepali Comedy Movie Meri Junkiree. Emmanuelle 7 - Full Movie. Emanuelle Queen of Sados Movie scene 2. True Lesbian Short Film. Large Breast Augmentation.
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